顯示具有 伊斯蘭恐懼症 標籤的文章。 顯示所有文章
顯示具有 伊斯蘭恐懼症 標籤的文章。 顯示所有文章

2019年8月20日 星期二

Wounds that fester: Histories of Chinese Islamophobia


網路對同治年間回民起義的「另類解讀」
Sometime in March 2019 the Baike Baidu page about the Great Northwestern Muslim Rebellion (陕甘回民起义), c.1862–1874, vanished. The topic has never been a comfortable one in China, but even for the heavy-handed architects of China’s Great Firewall, this was a blunt intervention into history. For a facile comparison, this is a little as if Wikipedia had abruptly deleted their introduction to the American Civil War.
The Great Northwestern Muslim Rebellion was complex, messy and extremely violent. It began with a series of local feuds that mostly were not about religion but which escalated when Qing officials took the side of Han disputants against the Muslims and garrisons across the two provinces mutinied, producing a domino effect. Rumour, banditry and socioeconomic distress did the rest: by the end of the rebellion, the populations of Shaanxi and Gansu had fallen by half, with millions dead or having fled to make new lives elsewhere.
Despite being described as a rebellion, there is limited evidence that any of the various leaders intended to overthrow the Qing rulers. The rebellion was in truth a patchwork of different, highly local conflicts, where in each case the Hui participants came to be viewed as the rebels.

2019年6月16日 星期日

The Anti-Islamic Movement in China


看完之後有許多想法。中國政治與社會反伊斯蘭其實是這兩百年來的結構性問題。我知道會有學者提出異議,認為不客觀、偏頗,或是需要在百年後,才能透過史料才能了解「真相」。他們的都對,只是那些學者從未真正傾聽生活在那大地上的穆斯林感受

https://www.hudson.org/research/15095-the-anti-islamic-movement-in-china

2017年7月28日 星期五

百年中国最惨烈的宗教杀戮:当代穆斯林问题的隐忧

很恐怖的一篇文章。比喻不倫不類,似乎在為屠殺少數民族辯護。完全不提中央的角色。
近年来,大陆的穆斯林问题逐渐在两个方面呈现出令人忧虑的现象。
1旧有的工地诈骗饭店打砸强租强卖等层出不穷的小部分穆斯林同胞违法难治的现象,未能得到有效改善,这就使得相当多的非穆斯林屡受欺辱而无处伸张,民间怨愤和恐惧不断传播累积。(回漢衝突)
2、政府、企业出于维护非穆斯林、穆斯林团结之初衷,而推动的清真立法美团外卖等措施,引发部分非穆斯林的不解甚至恐慌。这种不解的背后,是非穆斯林与穆斯林群体在习俗、价值观和文化上的彼此隔阂和误解。
而这两种现象,很可能在某种特定的情况下引发极其危险的后果。在1900年,华北地区的农民在干旱的逼迫下,以义和团的身份对当地的基督徒举起了屠刀,即是如此。

2016年10月26日 星期三

中國人染上了「伊斯蘭恐懼症」?

飲食問題,會成為中國族群矛盾甚至衝突的一個觸發點嗎?這雖然聽起來有些荒謬,但並不是絕無可能。9月,有網民在微博發帖,指責作為「中國高等學府」的北京大學實行「種族隔離」,因為該校清真食堂「佟園」在其服務指南中寫道,專門服務於10個少數民族的師生,其他人員不得在那裡用餐。如新浪微博用戶@寞洑在帖子中寫道:「北大穆斯林專用餐廳……完全符合現代世俗社會中對種族隔離公共設施的定義。」

清真飲食引發糾紛,這在中國並不是第一次。今年以來,有人指責一些往返新疆的航班只提供清真餐,是對非穆斯林的不尊重。多年來一直有人大代表在「兩會」上提出的意在規範清真食品生產經營的清真食品管理立法提案,被一些學者認為威脅到了「政教分離」,因而反對清真食品立法。如中國社會科學院研究生院馬克思主義研究系教授習五一在其微博上寫道,清真食品立法「違反憲法政教分離的原則」。
也許令人難以理解的是,清真餐廳與清真飲食,開始成為中國族群矛盾的聚焦點。然而有趣的是,至少從幾百年前開始,清真飲食就一直是中國飲食文化的一部分,早已「融入」中國文化,經常光顧清真餐館的除了穆斯林外,還有大量非穆斯林。在中國歷史上,即使是意識形態統治一切的文革時代,清真飲食也沒有成為被攻擊的對象。從過去到現在,在對亞伯拉罕宗教不熟悉的普通中國人看來,清真飲食只是代表著一種不同的風俗,不一定帶有宗教意義。

佟園、飛機清真餐、清真食品立法這幾個事例,真的如一些人所說,具有很強的宗教性,反映了伊斯蘭教「封閉」、「排他」的屬性嗎?其實,20144月發佈的佟園餐廳的這份規定,更多可能是出於管理方便:穆斯林師生對嚴格的清真飲食的需求較為強烈,而該食堂的容量又有限,所以它優先考慮穆斯林;非穆斯林有大量其他選擇,故這對他們的影響不大。何況,這只是該食堂的服務指南,並非成文法律,如果該規定確實引起了非穆斯林的不滿,更改起來很容易,並不是一個不可解決的問題。

2016年9月12日 星期一

Anti-Muslim Sentiment Is Taking Over China's Social Media Scene

 Chinese social media is quite different from traditional media in many ways; netizens, for instance, express their support or criticism of certain social groups more aggressively, with much less reserve. This is due partially to the government’s tight control of television broadcasters and newspapers, which does not allow any deviation from the official line. Conversely, China’s Internet is relatively open – government’s control notwithstanding, a netizen can post angry comments from time to time with impunity.

Discussions on Muslims and Islam has been a taboo for China’s traditional media for several decades. I do not know the exact time when this began, but according to conventional wisdom and experience in the media, it dates back to the Mao Zedong era. When metropolitan newspapers and television programs flourished during the 1990s, it became even more difficult to report on Muslim issues.
Some foreign observers tend to forget that China has 56 ethnic groups and quite a few of them are predominantly Muslims, most notably the Hui and the Uyghurs. China is home to 20 million Muslims. That number may seem insignificant compared to 1.4 billion, but the government cannot afford to treat Muslims lightly. As a result, Beijing — and thus state-controlled media — has been careful in maintaining good relations between different ethnic groups and their religions. Official propaganda on ethnic issues seeks to strengthen minority groups’ identification with China and to avoid separatist tendencies due to ethnic and religious conflicts. For example, the popular song “56 Nationalities and 56 Flowers”  ends with the line “love our China.”

To that end, traditional media tightly restricts the way ethnic issues — particularly Muslim issues — are represented. When I was working at a media agency years ago, there was a ban on running anything related to pork or pigs along with stories about Muslims. As another example, I remember reading an interview with then Israeli President Shimon Peres, and right next to it there was another interview about Arab countries, despite the fact the Peres did not mention the Israeli-Palestinian conflict but only talked about Israel’s relations with China. Such arrangements by the media were intended to serve the national interest, fostering a positive environment both for solidarity among China’s different ethnic groups and religions and China’s relations with Muslim countries around the world.

The emergence of social media has changed everything. Recently, some netizens have been expressing dissatisfaction, in some cases quite aggressively, with China’s supposedly “soft” policy toward its Muslim population. Some netizens even took to humiliating and insulting Muslims in China and the Middle East. This anti-Muslim sentiment found on social media poses new challenges for China’s regulators tackling ethnic and religious issues.

Plenty of examples indicate there is a surge of hostility on China’s social media toward Muslims. Netizens have invented a new phrase – “Green Religion” — to refer to Islam, due to the color’s significance in the religion (including the color’s inclusion in most national flags of Muslim countries). Muslims, then, are referred to be the invested phrase “the Greens” — an openly derogatory term. Each time an attack occurs in the West, for instance when news came out about the attacks in Paris or Brussels, it sparked heated discussions on China’s social media, and some would suggest that “this must have been done by the Greens.”

Such attacks are the first reason why China’s netizens have turned against Muslims. An increase in terrorist attacks has awakened the Chinese to the threat of terrorism. Since most of these attacks were carried out by Muslims, netizens’ attitude toward Muslims in general has deteriorated.
China has suffered fewer terrorist attacks compared to the West, but the number of attacks has been increasing, especially in the western part of China, for example in the Xinjiang Autonomous Region. The suicide bombing of the Chinese embassy in Kyrgyzstan is another case in point. The interesting thing is, while China told its people to support Arab countries, especially the Palestinian cause, during Mao and Deng’s time, China’s netizens now are overwhelmingly supportive of Israel taking military action against Arab countries.

As an example, the head of Al Jazeera’s Beijing office has a Weibo account and almost every post is subject to attacks. Some comments are extremely hostile  – “Pack up and go back to the Middle East” — or even violent — “We support Israel’s killing of you all.”

The refugee crisis has also contributed to negative views toward Muslims among the Chinese. Chinese pride themselves on their hardworking image, and many of them look down upon refugees from the Middle East, especially physically strong men who smuggled their way to Europe. Most of China’s netizens dismiss the refugees as mobs, or agents working for Islamic State; the refugees are labeled “lazy” and a security liability to the world. This dynamic also feeds into Chinese netizen’s growing anti-Muslim sentiment.

China’s netizens are now making fun of Europe’s policy on refugees, especially German Chancellor Angela Merkel’s decision to accept refugees. Many netizens say in a mocking tone that Germany will turn “Green” one day and Europe will become “Europestan.” When some leaders in the West suggested that China should also accept some refugees from the Middle East, it was rejected flat out on China’s social media. Some netizens even suggested China should let the refugees stay in the West to bring more disasters on Western countries.

In addition to events overseas, however, China’s domestic policy has also been responsible for the hostility toward Muslims online. As was mentioned earlier, China has been trying to maintain the cohesion between different ethnic groups and religions over several decades, but this has now sparked a backlash on the social media.

For example, China is building large numbers of mosques in its western region, and construction has even extended to Shenzhen, a developed city on the east coast. Some Muslim communities in the western region have started learning Arabic at school, and road signs now have Arabic along with Chinese. Some Muslim women in China have adopted the wearing of the hijab or even black burqas. The spread of visually identifiable signs of Muslim identity has led to criticism online. Some netizens blame these changes on China’s misguided ethnic and religious policy; some even went so far as to compare Beijing’s policy toward Muslims to the appeasement of the Nazis before World War II. They believe if this tendency is not curbed, the Han Chinese position as China’s dominant ethnic group will be at stake.

These comments stem from a deep-seated fear that China may also “turn Green” one day. The hostility toward Muslims is in fact also an objection toward what they consider as China’s misguided ethnic and religious policy, which is viewed as too soft on Muslims. Since such sentiments could never appear on television and newspapers controlled by the government, the Internet has become their battlefield.

The dominant ethnic group in China is the Han, making up around 90 percent of the total population; unsurprisingly, then, most Chinese netizens also happen to be Han Chinese. This is why anti-Muslim views that espouse a sense of superiority of the Han Chinese are able to gather considerable support. Adding to this is the obtrusive presence of Muslims in some parts of the country, which leads to further animosity among the Han Chinese.

During Ramadan several months ago, one major street in China’s biggest city Shanghai was sealed off to allow tens of thousands of Muslims to line up to pray toward Mecca. Photos of the scene deeply unnerved the “Han nationalists” and increased their anxiety about the prospect of “China’s fall into Muslim hands,” following the example of Europe.

China’s social media also regularly churn out stories about conflicts between the country’s Muslim and non-Muslim communities. For example, some Muslims demand that there should be no smell of pork in their neighborhood. In other incidents, some Muslims, believing the trucks carrying Halal food are not clean, have forced their way onto the trucks for inspections. Once these small-scale conflicts are labeled as a Muslim issue, they immediately go viral on social media, which further antagonizes China’s netizens against Muslims.

In the most recent case, the tragic murder-suicide of a mother and her four children in Gansu province has also been given an anti-Muslim context by netizens. Media reports have blamed extreme poverty for the grisly case. Some netizens, however, blame ethnic policy — they argue that the government should not spend money on mosques when people are living in poverty.


Only rational debate can lead to a more secure China. The rise of aggressive anti-Muslim sentiments on social media is a worrisome step in the wrong direction.

2016年7月13日 星期三

闾丘露薇:中国新闻媒体和社交媒体上的反穆斯林情绪研究

【编者按】近日,共识网就中国新闻媒体和社交媒体上的反穆斯林情绪这一研究主题采访到了美国宾夕法尼亚州立大学在读博士闾丘露薇女士。闾丘露薇,曾担任凤凰卫视全球新闻总监,是著名的记者、资深媒体人,因2003年在伊拉克战争时作为在巴格达地区唯一的华人女记者进行现场报道,被誉为战地玫瑰。著作有《我已出发》《行走中的玫瑰》《不分东西》《利比亚战地日记》等。
  访谈人:共网国际频道黄南。
  共网:丘老您好,昨天我听了您在和和平论坛关于“中国新媒体和社交媒体上的反穆斯林情”的演请问这象是如何引起您的关注和研究趣的?
  中文媒体言没有控制
  丘露薇:我有个感想做个研究是去年的候,关于叙利亚难民的事情在网上特讨论多。我得当有中文媒体——应该是海外的,有人写文章,讨论中文网上的歧言、仇视语言。文章指出,然在国外种仇视语言也很多,但仇视语言通常会被网站管理员删除甚至可能要承担法律后果,尤其是宗教方面的仇恨言,是有后果的,但在中文网上,反而对这些没有什么太多控制,所以一眼看上去很多。我因接受了博士训练,所以然有种感,在中文网上仇穆斯林的言很多,但是最只是一种假,需要去论证。因很多候你看到的,未必真的那么重,所以我和我的同事才会做个研究。

Wounds that fester: Histories of Chinese Islamophobia

網路對同治年間回民起義的「另類解讀」 Sometime in March 2019 the  Baike Baidu page   about the Great Northwestern Muslim Rebellion ( 陕甘回民起...